Does Salva Kiir impose himself on South Sudan?

President Salva Kiir Mayardit | Photo: File

Opinion | By Dr. Akec Khoc

Opinion—On March 24th 2021, Nhial Deng Nhial, Minister of Presidential affairs stated that President Salva Kiir is not imposing himself on the citizens. In response to this statement, I would like to make a short comment on why and how I disagree with the thesis advanced by the Minister, the official position of the regime. I and most South Sudanese citizens, inside and outside the country, believe President Kiir is actually imposing himself on the citizens and the Ruling Party structures as advanced by Dr. Peter Biar Ajak as supported by the arguments that follow.

The Minister refers to the 2010 elections which ushered Salva Kiir to the Presidency of the Country, as the main legitimate reason for continuing in office. This, most observers and the public do not agree with for some or all of the following arguments.

Firstly, democratic processes have put in place periodic elections either to maintain the representatives of the people or being removed through a smooth participatory citizen-driven process. The Interim South Sudan constitution had foreseen Presidential and Parliamentary elections in 2015 and periodically thereafter. Suffocating those elections is evidence of self imposition

Secondly, periodic elections are held to allow wide citizen participation, since there is a natural and constant change in its composition. Some citizens die natural or negative conflict effect) and some reach maturity or voting age. Some migrate to neighbouring countries for security reasons. The 2010 elections are no longer valid for Kiir to impose himself on the patriotic citizens of South Sudan. The representatives of the people, carefully selected by the Kiir administration, clearly spoke out at the national dialogue demanding Kiir hands over power to the people and leave. It is unlikely that he will favourably consider the advice. Earlier similar instances point to the conclusion to the contrary.

Thirdly, the Minister casts doubt on holding the elections in 2022 due to delay in forming the government issue of the Revitalized Agreement 2018. Many citizens and I believe this is not the Minister’s position, but that of the administration which is used to perpetually avoid the 2015 elections till now. South Sudanese have heard a plethora of reasons against holding the elections at scheduled times. It is a deja-vu situation that they are now reliving. Many of them hold the opinion that by so doing, Kiir is imposing himself on them. For how long can you deny a peoples’ rights? Will it work again? Probably it will not. The citizens have understood the game and may not buy into the same old tactics this time.

Most citizens had expected this to be revealed later. Now that the citizens know, their voices calling for the elections will be heard loud and clear, in the streets of Juba, major towns in the Country and in the diaspora. It will be heard on the mountain tops, hillsides, in swamps, villages and camps within the Country and in refugee camps abroad.

Lastly but not least, Minister Nhial declares, “the constitutional and political context for citizens to vote is immaterial” because the voters remain the same. This is another fallacy. Even when electoral processes are repeated as recently seen in many parts of the world, hardly will they reflect the views of the earlier voters. Those who might have not voted earlier find their way to the polls. This does not require a rocket scientist to recognize.

Therefore, most of the arguments presented by the office of the President fall short of convincing not only the ardent supporters but fail to enlist neutral or uncommitted citizens. The fact that he is imposing himself on our citizens, therefore, becomes the only plausible conclusion.

Allow me to refresh your memory on the background to the genesis of the crisis and early return to violence in our country. While the SPLM prepared itself for those elections, the Political Bureau (PB), its highest structure, reviewed its options and two positions emerged. One, Vice President Dr Riek Machar opted to contest for the Presidency against Kiir. Two, another view proposed to effect internal reforms through consultations and consensus within the PB. It became clear that Kiir would not allow either. Realizing that the proposed changes and challenges arose out of the impending elections, he opted to suffocate attempts for elections and prepared himself to militarily resist and crush any opposition to his perceived view. He introduced undemocratic procedures, like voting by show of hands rather than secret ballot (earlier practice) into the PB decision-making process. It was this resistance that resulted in the division within the SPLM PB and press conference of December 6, 2012.

We know what followed and the early return to violence and war some days later and the rest is history. Democratic processes were now replaced by military might and undemocratic systems. Governance by decree and favoritism, nepotism and corruption became the system of rule, though resented by most. It was imposed on the citizens the same way the president imposes himself on them.

The citizens grew tired of Kiir imposing himself on them and expressed their desire for change for a better South Sudan but were met with iron fists. Civil society leaders spoke out against self-imposition but were made to disappear. Artist freely expressed themselves or loudly relayed what they heard from others but they were jailed, maimed or killed. Students braved the streets of Juba but were met with live bullets!!!

In brief, the south Sudanese populace spoke through their political leaders, parties, civil society organs and eventually, the organized forces. There is no doubt in minds of most citizens that the current Kiir administration has failed and should go. However, President Kiir has decided to adopt draconian methods to impose himself on them. Elsewhere, such methods have given more months to the then leaders of those countries. However severe they might have been, they invariably were overcome by the determination and will of the citizens in those countries. If done through such methods, the outcome is always regretted by those imposing themselves. Most leaders like to leave behind a good legacy. Consider a legacy for which you may be remembered.

Dr Akec Khoc is a former Sudan and South Sudan’s ambassador to the USA. He was the first South Sudanese practitioner to join the SPLM/A in 1983 months after its formation.

Opinion | By Raila Odinga: ‘The John Pombe Magufuli I knew’

Opinion | By Raila Odinga

Tanzania’s President John Pombe Magufuli, welcomed Fmr. Prime Minister of Kenya, Hon. Raila Odinga to his home in Chato, where the President was on vacation | Via Facebook

Opinion —When rumors started going around about the health and whereabouts of my friend President John Pombe Magufuli, I placed several calls to him. Later, I sent him a text message. Both went unanswered. I then resigned to expect the worst while hoping I was wrong. When his death was confirmed as I was self- isolating after testing positive for Covid-19, I felt the full weight of double tragedy and emotions dealt by the cruel hand of fate. It was the worst time to lose a friend and a comrade.

It was a bond forged over war on corruption and quality infrastructure. I first met Dr. Magufuli at an international conference on infrastructure in Durban, South Africa some time in 2003. I had just assumed office as Minister for Roads, Public Works and Housing in the National Rainbow Coalition (Narc) government of President Mwai Kibaki. By that time, Dr Magufuli had held a similar portfolio for some time in Tanzania. At the ministry, I discovered that I had inherited a bigger problem than I had imagined. The ministry was mired in massive corruption.

Contractors were demanding pay — and getting paid — for works they had not done, or those done way below specifications. Nearly the entire ministry budget was being used to clear pending bills that kept rising. The ministry was neither constructing any new roads nor maintaining the existing ones.It is in that context that I attended the Durban conference.

I wanted to share my experiences, learn from fellow ministers and other experts and, hopefully, also attract some funding for the massive infrastructure Kenya needed when Narc took over. Corruption Dr. Magufuli took immense interest in my presentation.

He was particularly intrigued by my admission that corruption had found a home in the ministry and it was denying the country the good infrastructure needed for economic growth. The two of us had lengthy discussions on the side-lines of the conference. During our discussions, he disclosed that the problems I had mentioned were the same ones he encountered when he took over at Roads and Public Works in Tanzania.

He offered to share his experiences in dealing with the vices of corruption and cowboy contractors and driving them out of town. For a start, he advised that I look into two areas: procurement and designing and tendering processes. From his experiences in Dar es Salaam, he had ring-fenced these areas as the hideouts for corruption and conduits for loss of government funds. Shorten procurement process
His advice was that I needed to shorten the procurement process, which is usually long and winding just to facilitate corruption.

Then he advised that we adopt a system of designing and building roads at the same time as opposed to designing the entire road first, then tendering and then constructing. That, too, was a conduit for corruption. His advice was that the sections of the road that had been designed could be tendered and construction commenced as design of other sections went on. That way, we would get quality roads faster and at cheaper prices. It had worked for him and he wanted us to try it. From there, our friendship kicked off.

We became advisers to each and partners in the war on corruption and cowboy contractors in the roads sector.Before the conference ended, Dr Magufuli asked me to get my engineers at the ministry for a meeting with his engineers in Dar-es-Salaam so that they could exchange ideas on how to deliver quality infrastructure at value-for-money costs. I immediately instructed my Permanent Secretary Erastus Mwongera to assemble our team. In Dar es Salaam, we had extremely exiting discussions on simple, fast and efficient ways to deliver infrastructure. Raila Odinga Road, Dr. Magufuli invited me to accompany him on a tour of Mwanza where he was to supervise and launch construction of hospitals and roads. It was during this trip that he named a road after me; Raila Odinga Road in Mwanza.

During this trip, we visited his home in Chato. I also invited him to visit us in Kisumu and Bondo. As we got down to work here in Kenya, we identified the Meru-Maua Highway as one of the key roads that needed immediate and massive renovation. I invited Dr. Magufuli to launch the reconstruction of this road, which he did. I also instructed the ministry to name the road after him. AS Prime Minister in the Grand Coalition Government, I visited him with a delegation that comprised Senator James Orengo and Governors Sospeter Ojaamong and Josephat Nanok, among others. On this trip, I launched the construction of the University of Mwanza.As we prepared for 2012 elections, Dr Magufuli defied protocols and stood with us, physically attending our party’s National Delegates Conference where I was handed the party’s ticket to run for president.

Consultants for each other this time, we had become consultants for each other. We were available for each other whenever either of us needed assistance or advice. When Dr Magufuli declared his interest in the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) ticket for the presidency in 2015, I took keen interest because his contest was my contest, just as mine had been his. We got deeply involved and we were excited when he won.He invited me to Dar almost immediately after his inauguration. During that visit, the newly elected president was frank. He said he had known how to run ministries; now he needed advice on how to run a government. He particularly wanted to know how we managed under Narc and the Grand Coalition Government to raise revenues to deliver services and stop corruption. I advised my friend that, for a start, he should look no farther than the revenue and procurement officers at all levels of government. I told him that in most cases, those officers were the ones driving latest car models, building classic apartments in cities and putting up castles in rural areas despite lower salaries. He needed to subject them to lifestyle audit, retire or even jail the incorrigibly corrupt and transfer others, then revenue collection would shoot up.He listened.

In some cases, he personally walked into offices to see how work was being done. Soon, Tanzania’s revenue doubled, then trebled. The new president suddenly had money to build roads, ports, hospitals and railways without relying on donors. SGRThe President developed very keen interest on what happened to Kenya’s standard gauge railway in terms of its cost. He was determined to avoid the pitfalls, and he did. That is how he constructed Tanzania’s SGR four years later at a much lower cost than ours.

President Magufuli was a very independent-minded person. During his tenure, people developed this belief that he would always listen to me. While we did exchange views and agreed on many things, it is not true that he agreed with every suggestion I made. When Dr Magufuli disagreed, he did so firmly, no matter who he was disagreeing with. When he ordered the confiscation of Maasai cattle that had crossed into Tanzania, I pleaded with him several times to release the cattle but he just wouldn’t budge. ASaeryp a politician, President Magufuli was a populist.

Ideologically, he leaned towards social democracy. He allowed the private sector to grow, but under very watchful eyes of the State because he felt that the private sector, if not watched, could be overbearing especially to the lowly in society. Enemy of corruption. Magufuli was an avowed enemy of corruption. That, in my view, is his most outstanding trait. He could not stand the idea of public officials using public resources for their own benefit. If you hated corruption, you were on the first row as Dr. Magufuli’s friend and confidant. He was determined to put Tanzania ahead in the region and Africa through industrialization.

In that endeavor, he saw Kenya as the stumbling block, hence his sometimes-hostile stand against Kenya. We had a discussion on this, too, my position being that industrialized countries in Europe and Asia, for instance, co-exist and we could do the same here. He was not convinced. His primary business was Tanzania. Outside Tanzania, his other business was Africa. He had little interest in other continents. Even in Africa, he was selective with his visits. I remember he visited Kenya, Ethiopia, Nigeria, South Africa, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and DRC. Otherwise, he was a Tanzanian preoccupied with Tanzania.

CCM ideologueDr Magufuli was a CCM ideologue who grew through the ranks of the party and embraced some of the founding President Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere’s ideals on patriotism, nationalism and self-reliance for his country. In about six-years, he went farther than Mwalimu Nyerere in trying to economically empower his people. While Mwalimu Nyerere embraced internationalism and had a broader view of the world and Tanzania’s place in it, Dr. Magufuli was a super nationalist with little regard for the rest of the world. Where Mwalimu Nyerere was a constant voice on the global stage, especially for Africa and the Third World, Dr Magulfuli reserved his voice and energy for Tanzania.

Transformed TanzaniaDr Magufuli was, however, overly successful in transforming Tanzania in just about six years. He transformed Tanzania’s highways, ports, created Rapid Bus Transit to decongest Dar es Salaam and delivered SGR at a competitive rate, all because of a crackdown on corruption. Despite all these, Dr. Mgufuli’s legacy that may live for years, especially if his successor builds on it, is that of unity, hard work and discipline.

Hapa Kazi Tu, Chapa Kazi and its legacy will endure. He pushed hard the idea that success comes from hard work. In Tanzania today, people report to offices very early and they do not just sit there, they work. I hope the new President builds on this tradition that is good for Tanzania and Africa.May Dr Magufuli fare well in the next world.

The writer is the ODM party leader and former Prime Minister of Kenya.

Opinion | South Sudan and the future of Jonglei Canal

Jonglei Canal and Bucket wheel Digger. Credit, Gettyimages

By Bol Gatkuoth Kol

Opinion—Much attention has been given to the prospect of war between Sudan, Ethiopia, and Egypt over the waters of the Nile. But the Nile basin and the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI) involves ten countries with Eritrea participating as an observer. Also largely absent from this discussion is the crucial role of South Sudan through which a considerable portion of the White Nile flows. Moreover, South Sudan is a new state and its position on this vital issue is not well understood and the crucial Nile water treaties were signed long before the country even came into existence. This paper intends to address that absence.

Historical context:

The White Nile journey starting from Lake Victoria in Uganda pushing through Lake Kyoga and Lake Albert and enter South Sudan at the border point in town of Nimule eastern Equatoria state. After passing through the central Equatorial region, the river spreads into the large swamps, and branches into Bahr el Jebel, Bahr el Zaraf, and join by a number of tributaries flowing from the west and the southwest. The River Bahr el Arab originate in the border areas between the Sudan and the Central African Republic and flows eastward and it is fed by a number of tributaries including the Lol, Yei, Jur, Tonj and Naam river.

The Sobat River originates in Ethiopia Baro and Akobo Rivers congregate inside South Sudan and continue joined by the Pibor River originates within South Sudan. The combined Rivers call the White Nile that later emerge with the Blue Nile at Khartoum the capital of the Sudan.

Crucially, amongst the reasons for SPLM/A to took up arms struggle against central government in Khartoum, the Egyptian hegemony on the Nile water was one of the dispute rather than self-determination which came later on 28 of August 1991 raised by three members of high command Dr Riek Macahar, Dr Lam Akol and General Gordon Koang Chuol. The separation for Southern Sudan agenda had come through bitter battle amongst the SPLM elites and diverted the New Sudan agenda with heavy cost of human lives in the movement. The Sudan Republican decree number 284 by President Jaafer Nimirie establishing canal Jonglei project area and started digging in February 1974 which later on became a rally battle cry for the people of Southern Sudan region against May revolution.

On the current Nile water political storms in the horn of Africa and Egyptian from the North, multiples questions need answers. These questions should be drawn back from colonial periods into contemporary political odds which engulf sub-region of east Africa and beyond. Indeed, the intense regrouping and political alliances within the Nile basins countries on such activities, will South Sudan played a notable role on these groupings? Or current rulers in Juba will put South Sudan water share for sale on acquisition for Egyptians support? Or Will East Africa community play bystanders from imminent war between Egypt and Ethiopia on Grand Ethiopian renascence Dam? Will Egypt make a military action against Ethiopia Dam? Above all these questions are necessary, and lingering in many ears and minds to those who are take much attention on regional issues. Also, these questions are eye opening for African regional debates on the Nile water crisis.

From the onset, the Sudanese and Egyptians share Nile valley civilisations for many years but each regime come with its political outlook to those relations. The Nile water agreements and the border demarcation were conducted by the British when they controlled both Sudan and Egypt. The British on behalf of its two colonies monopolise water resources against others members states of the Nile.

The Afro-Arab of the Sudan and Egypt were deeply involved as middle men during slave trades against black African tribes in the Sudan. The relation never been smooth with the rest of Sudanese till reason time. All successive Egyptians regimes had been stood against the interest of non-Afro Arab in the Sudan for very long time. Lately Egypt came out with long term strategy to divert the Nile water from Mediterranean Sea to Sinai to kept state of Israel on their side.

Also under existing Nile frame work agreement Egypt had put an observations posts to both South Sudan and Uganda with aims to continue as a power over the Nile water resource. On current political intensity in the horn of Africa, Egypt continue resorting to use old subcontracted regional hegemony during the cold war period playing a broker style between African and western countries. Above all, Egyptians as a political force within Arab league dominating after collapse of Libya under Gadhafi who was more close to Sub-Saharan African nations. Rarely, no country from North Africa will have strong stand against Egypt to rally Arab league to face Ethiopia with military action. On the other hand, the Sudan have long term strategy plan to construct a supper pipe from Northern state of Atbara to red sea and sell fresh water to Saudi Arabia.

In 1979, the Sudan, Egypt and Ethiopia had exchanged bitter words when ruler Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam an allied to Soviet Union Communist state prepared to contract USSR to build a Dam on Sudan border that triggered a feared of both Egypt and the Sudan. On the other hand, South Sudan and Uganda have a full control of the White Nile and its major offshoots that amassing in the country and further its journey to Khartoum. In fact, a huge reservoir of swarms slurping water from White Nile Chanel reserving at Jonglie swarms and Machar Marches at Sobat river, (Collins 2002 p-196).

South Sudan swarms syphon a huge amount of water during the rainy season and later wasted during dry season with lack of reservoirs and water storage. Also non-existence of mechanise agriculture schemes for rural development particularly in regional government of Southern Sudan and continue backward after achieving its independent state today.

The misuses of resources and lack of respect for government institutions by Juba base government it has let some countries like Egypt to pry on internal politics to preserved its longer control of the Nile waters resources. Crucially indeed, lack of strategic planning on national projects to use water hydro power to electrify the whole country follow by physical infrastructure for roads agriculture in the country. South Sudan millions cubic metres of water are wasted every dry season on evaporation from swarms of Bahr el Jebel and Bahr el Zaraf, Bahr el Ghazal swamps, and the Sobat Machar Marches.

In 1974 at the height of energy crisis a parliamentarian member of Kenya suggested that Nile water to be harness at the Lake Victoria and the water sold with oil Barrel for Barrel ( Garang 1980).

The Jonglei Canal was supposed to be the first British project on the White Nile River marking the British expeditions in the region. The British colonial administration had established three regional capitols cities in Southern Sudan – Juba, Wau and Malakal on the Nile bank that indicate important for British voyage into Southern Sudan. The British had builds several dams the Sudan along the Nile, and these are Senar Dam 1924, Jebel Awulia Dam on 1937. After independent of the Sudan, the Sudanese government had constructed Kashm el Girba Dam on 1964, Roseris Dam 1966 and Merowe Dam on 2009.

These national project was successfully implemented for enhancement on economic growth, agriculture and power generating for Northern region of the Sudan. Also it was a strategy from British government incentive to build Dams in the Sudan and exert control over Egypt to grow cottons for British mills and bound up with British imperial interest.

The canal Jonglie was only unsuccessful national project under British and Egyptian ruled and it was oldest projected initial early by the colonial power since 1898 to benefit Egypt. Both British and Egyptian recognize the Suds’ potential to maximize the flow of the Nile. Egyptian overstated their anxieties over Nile stressing if downstream will over use Nile water their nation will face thirst. Though their concerned had overtaken by the British textile industry interest on high demand for Egyptians cotton supply to British industry Market (Tvedt 2004).

The Canal project was laid into political scrutiny by Southern Sudanese with negative result across three provinces. The later response into political volatilise between North and South and several reasons that can be narrated mainly the pastorals economy of Nilotic depend on swarms for their cattle grassing and fishing during dry seasons. Most importantly, it had brought bitterness particularly against Egyptians who are rock-hard allied to Muslim North of the Sudan and their traditional cooperation that remind the people of Southern Sudan of slave trades during Egyptians ruled.

South Sudan regional government under leadership of Abel Alier was label as a stooge agent of Northern Sudan and accused for compromised South Sudanese interest to Egyptians and Afro-Arab Sudan. The extreme reaction later overwhelmed three provinces capitols, Juba, Malakal and Wau after civil populations informed that Egyptians security force had been station in Upper Nile to protect the canal (Abel Alier 1992).

After achieving South Sudan dream of independent from Afro-Arab of the Sudan, this nation should stand on its own political right in the League of Nations and continue to remember a bitter history of struggle. Indeed, the regime of the day should draw the line from ongoing water crisis between Egypt and Ethiopia. The historical record of domination and slave trade history had shown this beloved nation who are the enemy and friends in dark hours of need during liberation struggles. Facts are crystal clear like a noon-day where the heart of this nation is leaning and the leaders must toe the line.

The author is former MP South Sudan National Assembly Juba. Holder BA politics and Contemporary Governance Birmingham City, MA in political Islam Birmingham. You can reach him on email, or whatsapp +250787325182 Kigali, +211921298887 Juba South Sudan.

The views expressed in this “Opinion Section” belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of The South Sudan Herald. Should you wish to submit your opinion piece or analysis, kindly contact us at:

Opinion| Kuol Manyang Juk wants to install the second president by all means

Former Minister of Defense and Veterans Affairs, General Kuol Manyang Juuk | File

Opinion | By Cde Nicolas Chan

Opinion — Luck might not be in General Kuol Manyang’s favor this time as it was 16 years ago. Many people do not know the drama that followed late Dr. Garang’s death and the subsequent need to look for a replacement among the SPLM senior commanders and politicians at that time.

Since Garang’s death was unprecedented, the decision to get a perfect successor was not easier to make. It nearly created a rift among the SPLM senior members who had gathered at New-site to look for a replacement. Fortunately, there was a clear line of command created and developed over years by the late chairman. Any sensible comrade could have understood who was to be the replacement when the chairman position felt vacant.

At the eve of confusion, Gen. Kuol Manyang bravely stood his ground by calling out General Salva Kiir Mayardit, whom he ordered to sit on the empty chair that would signify the official taking over of the throne left vacant by late Garang. A huge round of applause ensued soon as Kiir sat on the chair, indicating the approval of his nomination by the majority of the senior commanders who had then converged to nominate a successor. Kuol Manyang’s role could not be underestimated. Had he not decisively come out and called on Kiir to sit on the chair, there might have been some chaos, feared to derail the cause of the movement. Thanks to General Kuol!

The role of Kuol Manyang in today’s government under his choice

Kuol Manyang has changed for the worse. He is not the same incorrupt man, known to many during the liberation days. His level of corrupt malpractices has surpassed corruption lords and could be beyond comprehension in the truest sense of the word. Look at the few cases and draw up judgement.

Kuol Manyang registered corruption cases with evidence

When Kuol was the minister of Defense, he did not care or fear anyone. He was involved in unimaginable and monstrous financial discrepancies, embezzlement and corruption massively without shame and remorse, being that he was an SPLA senior commander who equally participated in bringing Salva Kiir to Presidency.

• The Eagle House sitting at the heart of Bilpham Military General Head-quarter’s construction cost was inflated from 24million to 48 million USD by Kuol Manyang. When the Eagle house was constructed Kuol Manyang jumped the cost of construction from 24million USD by doubling it to 48million USD. When a senior army officer, who was assigned to draw up the cost estimation complained, he was dismissed from the senior command tier and given a lesser job not commensurate with his rank. I may not mention the name of that commander, but he knows himself. He is still active though brushed aside by the corrupt lords.

• This 48 million USD contract was done outside the parliamentary approval. Neither were right procurement and logistics procedures followed nor were the legal financial acts regulations considered. Kuol took the money, owned and misappropriated it as he wanted in the name of being a senior and untouchable senior commander.

• Kuol designed another deal for the construction of a military Air-base at Bilpham General Head-quarter, which he roughly estimated at 309,005,787 USD or just say $309 million. In a nutshell, he picked a company belonging to his daughter and misappropriated funds. If he had used a lot in the airbase construction, it could not exceed 5 million USD. He bypassed the legal procurement procedures as he did with the Eagle House construction. He went away with a huge chunk of hard currencies. No one asked or questioned him. He ate all the money and was yawning for more. Testimony to this truth is that there is no Airbase as I write this article, but he has taken the money.

• Kuol Manyang deliberately corrupted procurement processes in Bilpam without anyone questioning him. He authorized and signed multi million contracts related to the purchase of military food items – contracts that were inflated beyond reasonable market price in the whole of East Africa. For example, one bag of maize flour was quoted over $700.

Kuol Manyang as minister and later senior presidential advisor and ONE BIG assignment he failed to deliver on

Sometime in 2018, there was a looming rumor that former President Omer Bashir was being ousted in months ahead that year. Kuol was called by the government under the auspice of President Kiir to organize and unite the faction leaders of all rebel groups fighting the Sudanese government in preparation for any potential future peace talks. The objective was to have them develop a common consensus, unified and working negotiating position with any potential incoming leadership in Sudan. Kuol immediately agreed to nurse the process since he was an old comrade to people like General Malik Agaar and General Adam Al Hilu.

The president of the Republic Salva Kiir Mayardit in good faith ordered the Finance ministry to allocate 1.5 million USD for kick-starting that project. Kuol received the 1.5 million USD and kept quiet with it. Months passed and there was nothing to show or inform of a report or feedback on the assignment. When asked what he had done with the money, and what progress was happening, he unashamedly lied to the president that he had built a conference building with the money, which conference building he would fail to show to the committee when he was grilled to lead them there.

The president asked Tut Kew to look into the matter after Kuol Manyang had eaten the money and failed to account for it. Hon. Tut Gatluak improvised from friends some money which he used to kick start the peace process, bringing all factions including the Darfur to Juba and that was the kind of peace negotiation you witnessed in Juba. Tut started without a single coin from the government although he was backed up by the government and international community later in terms of funding.


With these few cases and others to come with details, Kuol Manyang is right to say he and his other friends and cronies have failed not only the president or South Sudanese but the government and SPLM party. President Salva KIir Mayardit is not corrupt. Him and his cronies, who have in the recent past been ganging up as SPLM senior comrades should resign silently other than investing in noisemaking by unnecessarily accusing President Kiir for what are their visible failures.

The claim by Kuol Manyang that he alone managed that time to install the President is unreasonable. It was not his own effort, but all contributed. There was no other candidate who was in possession of President Kiir’s cards to replace late Garang. If he is wanting to install Nhial Deng Nhial in the same way he thinks he did the first one, he is dreaming of an impossible possibility. We are a nation, governed through democratic principles. We choose our leaders in elections not hand-picking.

If he wants Nhial Deng Nhial to be president, he should advise him to form a party, and make him its chairman. Who should meet with President Kiir at the ballot boxes in 2023. Nhial Deng Nhial is not wise at all. Why did he fail to notice the grain of confusion in the background of games by his team? How could he think, their agenda would go through at the platform afforded him generously by president Salva Kiir Mayardit? Is this not like committing an adultery with the wife of a host? Kiir hosted Nhial and Nhial is caught conspiring to unseat Kiir, god must be crazy!

The author is a concerned South Sudanese and can be reached via his Email at at

The views expressed in this “Opinion Section” belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of The South Sudan Herald. Should you wish to submit your opinion piece or analysis, kindly contact us at:

Save Nilepet at the hands of the world’s most corrupt Managing Director

Managing Director of Nilepet, Eng. Bol Ring Muorwel | File

Opinion | Tong Deng Ariath 

Dear general public, kindly be informed that your public institution, Nilepet under M.D Bol Ring Muorwel has been in the spotlight on the corruption scandal since last month prior to his departure for Dubai.

As a watchdog organization, the South Sudan Anti-corruption Forum (SSACF) dedicated its life to educate masses on how public offices are being run by office holders. It is also our request to you who is reading this article to speak up against corruption and corrupt official as common fight against common enemy

Dear public,

• 1. On 17th Feb. 2021, Managing Director Bol Ring conducted a meeting with his closest home area fellows after hearing news that he would be fired before April 2021. In the meeting they agreed that;

• There should be more employment to twic Mayardit people since Eng. Bol Ring is soon exiting the company which was immediately implemented last weeks after He left for Dubai. He arranged the list of 36 people to be employed and ordered human resource manager to call them to sign their permanent contracts which was perfectly done.

• 2. Managing Director swindled 3.7 million USD more in pretext of purchasing corporation cars and computers and used this money to build luxurious apartment in Thongpiny residential area. In case someone would not agree, come and ask one of the marginalized staff of Nilpet Company to take you to where this apartment is, that will be the day you will run mad looking at your current status and the recent status Bol Ring Muorwel equated his life into.

• 3. Bol Ring the Managing Director has opened up 3 shops of gas and gas cylinders in juba diverting some gas from Nilepet corporation to his shops. This open corruption at public institution should not be tolerated

• 4. Managing Director has signed a contract with one of Somalian company for money transfer to be investing staff salary of Nilepet for two weeks before paying it. That’s why the staff did not get the salary for last month until now.

• 5. MD Bol Ring Muorwel is aware to be on his last days as boss of Nilepet and because of that, he swept 35 million USD from the treasury of corporation as you all know from our previous article. This is do or die game of corruption.

• 6. Managing Director of Nilpet Company Eng Bol Ring Muorwel introduced a system that staff would be seeing him in the office only when one has a testing certificate of Coronavirus Free. This has been used as an advantage to him so that other staff not related to him would not be seeing him but being only visited on frequent basis by his relatives working in the Nilpet Company.

• 7. He (Eng. Bol), recently accused his private secretary over of how the accurate news of his office and house go out to the public. It was a serious disagreement and quarrel that left his private secretary being sacked from his official duties and position but replaced by Osman Bol who vowed to the Nilpet Company Managing Director of protecting Eng.’s interest.

• 8. Eng. Bol Ring Muorwel is on high speed of increasing coruption after having officially received the bad news from the office of the president that he would not spend more months again as his corruption case has been properly registered in presidency. He moved and recruited 27 members from Wun-rok Payam of Twic County, Warrap State. They were the known fishermen around Lol river of Twic County and they are from his clan Padhieu.

Dear Excellency,
Destroying a nation does expect someone to storm the nation with guns but with the highest corruption, that amounts to bring the status and the image of the country down as the country’s economy cripples when million and billions of dollars and South Sudanese pounds are being pocketed by the individuals powerful generals and other lines of blood related manipulation and exploitation of humans.

We are telling you that Bol is corrupting the public resources and you are keeping quiet, how would wish your people to speak to you? Not everyone that has an access to your office but public or masses can still find you through media.

Just take Bol Ring Muorwel out and appoint other competent Engineer as there are many in the country. Bol has made enough corruption that can’t be tolerated at all. We informed you of what public is not happy with and we expect your cooperation.

The writer is the President of the South Sudan Anti-Corruption Forum.

The views expressed in this “Opinion Section” belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of The South Sudan Herald. Should you wish to submit your opinion piece or analysis, kindly contact us at:

Is the Revitalized Government of National Unity (RTGoNU) ready for reforms and move this country forward?

President Salva Kiir Mayardit and opposition leader Dr. Riek Machar | File

Opinion | By Wani Michael

The Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan (RARCISS) is a clear roadmap to transform and transition South Sudan into peaceful, democratic, and economic prosperity. The agreement was signed and regarded by many as the reform agenda for South Sudan just like the Uganda reform agenda in early 2000 spearheaded by the Opposition Leader Dr. Kizza Besigye and the Kenya Constitution-making process in 2010 that ushered the country into a new political and constitutional dispensation which appreciated and introduced most of the democracy ingredients enjoyed by Kenyans. The Agreement has provided an opportunity for the leaders to revitalized and jumpstart everything that wasn’t working for the people of South Sudan.

Notably, the Pre-Transitional period provided the parties with an opportunity to implement most of the important activities to pave ways for the RTGONU to be established or reconstituted. The Parties couldn’t finish implementing the critical Pre-Transitional activities within eight (08) months, the mediators (IGAD) decided to extend the period for another six (06) months and again added another 100 days to the Parties to finalize the implementation of the key pre-transitional activities to guarantee RTGONU formation and reconstitution.

The key fundamental activities include the security sector reforms especially the unification process of all armed groups into one national army, amendment and enactment of the six security laws such as; The SPLA Act, National Police Service Act, National Security Service Act, Wildlife Act, Prison Service act and Fire Brigade Bill. These laws are very important for comprehensive reforms and transformation of the security sector into a professional, disciplined and pro-people army, the National Constitution Amendment Committee (NCAC) drafted and consulted different stakeholders including the Parties and there was total justice done to the people of South Sudan. These laws were submitted by NCAC to the former ITGONU government but they only ended up at the Cabinet and never found their way to the Parliament.

Some of the anti-reform elements were against the massive suggested reforms in these laws, they evidently wanted the status quo to remain and continue without any fundamental change. These are the same people who continue lying to us that they want to move this country forward, but on the contrary, they’re the real problem and a big obstruction to the much-needed reforms in South Sudan. If the Parties can spend more than one year and five months trying to implement activities during the Pre-Transitional period but totally failed to perform such duties and up-to-date these important activities aren’t finalized or completed yet, is there any reason to believe that this particular government is ready for reform and move this country forward?

Unnecessary and unjustified delayment in fully forming and reconstituting a government of their own, the agreement didn’t provide for any public participation in deciding on the selection procedures and appointment of these leaders. Most importantly the right to select was accorded and within the Parties, prerogative to make such decision.

These are purely appointed leaders but not elected officials who citizens can hold accountable because they got their mandate through their respective Parties but claiming to be representing the people of South Sudan. In real terms, the one year and five months’ pre-transitional period was basically for the parties to prepare their list of nominees ready for the appointments into different slots because RTGONU has only 36 months’ concurrent mandate for all levels of government including the State, local government and the National Legislature. The Parties only managed to appoint the First Vice President and the Four Vice President in February, 2020 and later around early March, 2020 they reconstituted the Council of Ministers and also appointed the Governors, Deputy Governors, State Ministers, Advisors, Commission Chairpersons and County Commissioners.

Although, some of these appointments were unconstitutional, illegal and illegitimate. With impunity, the Parties deliberately refused to reconstitute the National Legislature and this particular institution is very central in the implementation of the reform agenda in the revitalized agreement. They’re still struggling to fully form and reconstitute the government after spending 2 years and 5 months failing to identify potential nominees to different positions.

Correspondently, there’s total disrespect, gross violation and misinterpretation of the Constitution and the Agreement to fit their wrong narratives and continue to grab powers and resources meant for the States and local government. The future of devolution and federalism in South Sudan is uncertain because they’ve managed to centralize powers and resources. These violations are happening at the watch of the judiciary and the Chief Justice became a violator too because he participated in administering unconstitutional oath to people who didn’t follow the right procedures in the Constitution and the Agreement. There are a number of Constitutional petitions or cases on his table and he has deliberately and adamantly refused to act on these cases. The Parties had an opportunity to demonstrate full commitment to implement the much-needed reform agenda in the Agreement but decided to do the opposite thing by expanding the government structures further.

It is worth mentioning that, government formation and establishment is determined and always driven by the economic viability or prospects and the availability of resources to take care of such huge government expenditures. The Parties instead decided to further expand the state legislative assembly from Seventy-One (71) MPs to 100 MPs in each state and totaling to about 1000 MPs for all the 10 states in South Sudan. There’s already crisis in the states where officials including the Cabinet members are told to facilitate and take care of themselves because their respective states lack resources. The economy is already doing badly and leaves one to wonder where and how the government will get funds to finance its huge expenditures if not at the expense of the poor citizens (Tax payers).

It is unfortunate that the government has reduced a rich reform agenda document into a power-sharing deal not even mentioning of responsibility sharing as provided for in the Peace Agreement, they’ve created the impression that the Agreement is about power-sharing but not the much-needed reforms in the Security Sector, Humanitarian and Reconstruction, Economy, financial and Resource management, Permanent Constitution-making process and legislation review, Transitional Justice, Reconciliation, healing, compensation, and reparation. The Agreement itself from chapter one to chapter eight is a REFORM AGENDA document for South Sudan and would definitely move this country forward, unfortunately, wrong people are in charge of its implementation with no clear direction or interest to reform the already broken and deformed system save for selfish interest.

There’ll be no reform without clear open civil space for citizens to hold their government accountable, there’ll be no reforms when the opposition parties are too weak to challenge the system and already ‘contented’ and acting comfortable with the situation in the country. They’ve already joined the wagon of doing the same vices that made them take arms against the regime but now unanimously backing it. There’ll be no reforms if citizens continue to live in fear and can’t challenge their own government and leaders, there’ll be no reforms if the over 12 Million citizens don’t take charge of the affairs of their country.

Surprisingly and without shame, some leaders are already talking about the extension of the Transitional period for another 3 years and others are even suggesting 10 years or more. There’s also another school of thoughts that keeps suggesting that, the one full year of the Transitional period (February 2020- February 2021) should be regarded as the Pre-Transitional period because the government wasn’t fully formed and reconstituted. There’s no doubt that even if the Parties are given 20 years or more, the current crop of leaders will not initiate, support, and implement the much-needed reforms to move this country forward.

In conclusion, the only available avenue or opportunity for reforms and better South Sudan is when the over 12 million citizens revoke Article 2 and 4 of the Constitution to exercise their sovereign powers and reign over their leaders. It is when the over 12 million citizens take charge of their country’s affairs by holding their government and leaders accountable, the masses should know powers to reform this country lies in the hands of the citizens of South Sudan, not the leaders. Otherwise, it will be like the second coming of Jesus for fundamental change and reform to happen. The Constitution says power belongs to people and it is within their authority and discretion to exercise it.

Wani Michael is a youth representative on the National Constitution Amendment Committee (NCAC). He can be reached via email:

Eng. Bol Ring is the Most Corrupt Managing Director in Nilepet’s History

Managing Director of Nilepet Eng. Bol Ring Muorwel | Courtesy Photo

Opinion | By Elizabeth Achan Ring

In Dinka Culture, whenever you see a thief stealing a public or individual’s property and you keep quiet without reporting the case to the owner of the property, you the onlooker is termed a thief due to your failure to report the case. To relate this to the ongoing rampant corruption in Nilepet under the incumbent Managing Director Eng. Bol Ring.

I felt concerned to enlighten and aware the public on the diversion of their petrodollars by Bol Ring and his good boys. Bol Ring and his loyalists have emptied the bank account of Nilepet. There is neither a single pound nor a single dollar in the Nilepet’s account at the time of writing article. Bol Ring transferred all the cash to his personal account and used some money for purchasing personal assets such as a Villa in Kampala, an estate in Gurei, Juba, a furnished house or apartment in Juba etc.

He recently bought four new brand V8s at 120, 000 dollars each, which he cashed out from the company account. He cashed out 120,000 dollars and order another V8 from Dubai. The vehicle is on the way from Dubai. Bol Ring took 12 millions dollars in advance from DPOC, SPOC, and GPOC in case he is removed from the position of Managing Director.

He also took fuel from suppliers at the amount of 35 millions dollars and sold it in the black market without paying the suppliers. The country is currently facing shortage of fuel because Bol Ring has sold the fuel meant for public use, in the black market. All the fuel depots are empty. The government institutions have fun shortage of fuel and sometimes they buy fuel from the black market.

In addition to the above, Bol Ring Muorwel is a naturally born sectionalist, tribalist and clanist. Bol Ring has hijacked the duties of Director General, human resource manager, finance manager, procurement manager etc. In less than six months in the office, Bol succeeded in recruiting over one hundred relatives. The worse thing is that majority of Bol’s relatives whom he recruited into Nilepet are mere illiterate who never stepped their feet near any school compound. Bol Ring transported many of them from cattle camps in village to Juba and contracted them in high grades as well as assigning them in sensitive departments in Nilepet. I have compiled their names and I will soon publish them in the media.

Lastly, Bol Ring is a potential criminal who should be sentenced to life imprisonment. I don’t know the kind of culture which Bol Ring and his good boys have adopted. None of the 64 cultures of South Sudan condone corruption or any malpractices. Neither the Bible nor Quran tolerate corruption.

This means Bol Ring is a naturally born thief and that’s why he will die as a corrupt man. Bol Ring should be tried in the court of law and sentenced to life imprisonment in order to be an exemplary to the rest of corrupt individuals in South Sudan. Leaving Bol Ring and his relatives to corrupt the public resources in broad daylight, serves as an encouragement of the corruption in the country.

The author is a concerned South Sudanese who lives in the capital Juba, South Sudan.

The views expressed in this “Opinion Section” belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of The South Sudan Herald. Should you wish to submit your opinion piece or analysis, kindly contact us at:

Dr. Chol Deng Thon: The Only Hope for South Sudan Oil Sector Reform

Dr. Chol Deng Thon at the construction site of Nilepet Headquarters in Juba |Photo: File

By Deng Akok Muoradid

The former Managing Director of Nile Petroleum Corporation Limited, Dr. Chol Deng Thon is a renowned reformist who had reformed and transformed the state oil firm to the level where it is today. It is undeniable that Nilepet was at the verge of collapsing before Dr Chol’s appointment as a managing director.

During the reign of Dr. Chol’s predecessors, Nile Petroleum Corporation Limited ( Nilepet) was experiencing high rates of corruption, nepotism, inability to import the fuel etc. Nilepet had no permanent premises or headquarters since it was operating in rented premises. All those challenges put the national oil firm at high risk of collapse.

However, Nile Petroleum Corporation Limited was rescued by President Salva Kiir when he appointed a technocrat, nationalist, hard-working and an experienced Engineer ( PhD) in form of Dr Chol Deng as the managing director. Upon assuming the office, Dr. Chol Deng Thon embarked on achieving a total reformation and transformation of the national oil firm ( Nile Petroleum Corporation Limited) as well as alleviating chronic corruption and nepotism.

In a matter of short period of time in the office, Dr Chol Deng Thon succeeded in reforming the Nilepet through complete eradication of corruption, nepotism, importation and supply of the fuel to all the states as well as the construction of Nilepet Headquarters. Below are the tangible and visible achievement of Dr. Chol Deng Thon in the South Sudan Oil Sector.

  • Eradication of financial corruption and nepotism in Nilepet

During the leadership of Dr. Chol’s predecessors, Nile Petroleum Corporation Limited was engulfed in corruption and nepotism. Recruitment was done on the basis of blood relationship. Corruption was the policy of the day. However, the appointment of Dr. Chol Deng Thon marked an end to all forms of malpractices especially corruption and nepotism. As an experienced technocrat and PhD holder, Dr Chol managed to implement the Nilepet policies without failure.

He implemented a human resource policies in which citizens were recruited on the basis of merits and academic qualifications. These malpractices which Dr Chol Deng eradicated in Nilepet resurfaced immediately after his relieve from the position of managing director.

  • Importation and supply of fuel to Juba and the rest of states in South Sudan

There was shortage of fuel in Juba and across the country at the time of previous managing directors. Before the appointment of Dr. Chol Deng as a managing director of Nilepet, the citizens used to queve at the petrol stations for days or weeks. Getting fuel at that time was as difficult as entering into heaven. Immediately after taking over the office, Dr. Chol Deng Thon released enough amount of funds for the importation of fuel in to the country and its supply to all the states. In a matter of one week prior to his appointment, fuel was in great abundance in all the petrol stations across the country. Long queves at the Petrol Stations became the things of the past.

  • Construction of Nilepet Headquarters

One of the tangible accomplishments of Dr. Chol Deng Thon is the initiation and construction of Nilepet’s headquarters premises in Juba. He relealized that it was shameful for a national company to operate in rented premises. Therefore, he initiated the construction of the company’s headquarters.

He implemented it by constructing a tallest tower in Juba as a Nilepet head office. Many citizens of South Sudan came to know about the existence of Nilepet through this tallest tower which Dr. Chol Deng Thon constructed. The premise was at the final stage at the time of Dr. Chol’s relieve and its construction would have been completed if Dr. Chol Deng Thon was given extra one month in the office. The construction of the Nilepet Headquarters was put on hold by Dr. Chol’s successor.

  • Construction of Oil Refinery

Since South Sudan always export its crude oil to Port Sudan due lack of oil refinery in the country. Dr. Chol Deng Thon decided to find a permanent solution by initiating and building the first oil refinery in the Republic of South Sudan. He began building the long awaited oil refinery and its construction was near completion at the time of his ( Dr Chol) removal from the office. The oil refinery is currently under construction and many citizens might have been misinformed that it is an initiative of the incumbent managing director. The citizens of South Sudan need to be informed that it was their beloved son Dr. Chol Deng Thon who initiated and started building the oil refinery in South Sudan.

  • Recruitment of competent young youths into Nilepet

Hundreds of capable and competent South Sudanese Youths from different states and tribes were recruited into the Nile Petroleum Corporation Limited by the administration of Dr. Chol Deng Thon. The youths were employed on the basis of competency and academic qualifications, unlike Dr. Chol’s successor who has planted hundreds of his blood relatives in the Nilepet.

  • Building of specialized clinic for the presidential guards division

Dr. Chol Deng Thon has built a modern equipped clinic for the presidential guards as a part of social corporate responsibility. The specialized clinic which Dr. Chol Deng built for the presidential guards is equipped with modern medical equipments. The clinic is currently serving as the treatment centre not for only the presidential guards but for the entire South Sudanese. All kind of human diseases are being treated at that specialized clinic.

In conclusion, The Republic of South Sudan is spiritually blessed to have such a patriotic, hard-working and an experienced Engineer ( PhD) in form of Dr. Chol Deng Thon. He has unquestionable capability and knowledge to transform and reform the South Sudan Oil Sector in less one year if he is given another chance as a Nilepet MD or any other influential position in the oil sector.

As the Bible says” Give to Ceasar what belongs to Ceasar and give to God what belongs to God”. Dr. Chol Deng Thon deserves an appreciation from all of us for the achievements that he had accomplished in the oil sector. I predict our oil sector will be competing with the oil sectors of South Africa and Angola if Dr. Chol Deng Thon is given another chance.

The author is a concerned citizen and activist. He can be reached via his email:
or Telephone: +211921637574

The views expressed in this “Opinion Section” belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of The South Sudan Herald. Should you wish to submit your opinion piece or analysis, kindly contact us at:

Opinion | South Sudanese Lives Matter

“Let me not be misunderstood; I am not against the cake of your children…but I talk as a person in this field.”

Opinion | By Pal Chol Nyan

The world is hit by deadly pandemic, the COVID-19 which is killing people at an alarming rate. Ebola, also a deadly viral haemorrhagic fever, which was said to have been eradicated has cases reported again in Congo, one of neighbouring countries to South Sudan; which poses a risk here.

We have cholera, malaria and meningitis, which are endemic diseases that we deal with and live with at all times.

As the States governments are being formed, I thought the Health Ministers would be people in the medical and health discipline. It turned out not to be the case. It is a hope dashed . All or most of those appointed to the states Ministries of Health are lay people with different specializations, newly baptized into the political realm as a result of the R-ARCISS.

“Let me not be misunderstood; I am not against the cake of your children.”

The R-ARCISS is publicly known to have been tailored with extreme care by the warring Parties towards seeking jobs. This fact is substantiated by the legion of Advisers, Ministers, Commissioners, Chairpersons of Commissions, let alone the State lawmakers and Local councillors to be announced. Anyway, who am I to dispute what the owners have set themselves out to do?

I am not against the officials who won the confidence of the appointing authority but I talk as a person in this field. Assuming that a minister is invited by the International NGOs or UN agencies to discuss a particular case like Malaria, what will they say? Do not tell me the Minister is a political appointee and that the Director-General will handle health issues and the technical part.

It is important that the two must come from same field so that they don’t collide over the budget about what to use it for the benefit of the public and what goes to the pocket. Bringing a person from another sphere to the Health docket is inviting problems and conflicts which will hamper the real work of coping with the pandemic. There is a need for the leaders to revisit their decisions in the next political appointments because with this one, the dice has been cast.

The Ministries of Health, Agriculture, Education, Physical Infrastructures and Energy and Dams are supposed to be headed by technocrats. They will be in a position to know what is good for them and the people. They will not be focused on wealth creation and the enhanced dictum of nepotism, favouritism and tribal tendencies of all types. You can continue to politicize the other Ministries.

We have no problem but South Sudanese lives matter!

The writer is a South Sudanese who’s concerned about the ongoing situation in the country.

The views expressed in this “Opinion Section” belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of The South Sudan Herald. Should you wish to submit your opinion piece or analysis, kindly contact us at:

RTGNU must live up to its mandate or lose its legitimacy

Hon. Oyet Nathaniel Pierino | Photo: Courtesy

Opinion | By Hon. Oyet Nathaniel Pierino

Opinion —The statements by Troika, EU and IGAD Special Envoy on the occasion of One Year Anniversary of Transitional Period are “hollow” and fall sort of the realities of Implementation of the Peace Agreement.

I know the international community cannot and will never speak for us. They are bound by the prima facie notion and principles of the “sovereign equality of states” and “no interference in the internal matters of other states” etc. The statements by Troika, EU and IGAD only serve to embolden the peace spoilers and particularly elements within ITGNU that have been sabotaging the peace process.

The reality on the ground which we should and shall continue to speak of and alert the world, and friends of South Sudan is that the Peace Implementation has stalled. The assertion that the Peace Agreement is being implemented is a sheer blackmail and a flatter. There is No Political Will to implement the Agreement and deliberate refusal to commit funds for implementation for the last 29 months has severely stifled the Peace Agreement.

Even the formation of RTGNU is not complete at the national and state level after one year long; the ITGNU have been dragging their feet on the Agreement for the last one year,

The Pre Transitional Tasks which had been occasioning perpetual extension for six months and 100 days and later moved to the transitional period have not been touched during the first one year of the transitional period. The parties have been attempting to form a government, of which they have not yet completed the same. What do we have to show during the twelve months of Transitional Period other than attempting to form a government?

Where are the forces we have unified after 29 months; the forces continue to languish under despicable conditions in the cantonments and training centers for the last 2 years. Others have died, or deserted the training centers. Few are only left. This is the master strategy of the ITGNU and group within the country that do not want to implement the Agreement.

The peace spoilers have been succeeding for the last 29 months; they have displayed the highest level of lack of political will, refused to commit funds to implement the Agreement.

There is no any credible justification that South Sudan lack resources to fund the peace Process. The last fund for implementation was released in November of 2019 and it was a peanut. We could have understood that during the Pre Transitional Period it was ITGNU running the government single handedly and therefore may fail to release funds.

How could the government of the Peace Agreement (the RTGNU) composed of parties to the Agreement fails to release funds required to implement the Agreement for the last one year and during the Transitional Period?

Besides, we have been witnessing clear violations of the Peace Agreement by the ITGNU and the SSPDF, namely;

• Failure to adhere to the implementation matrix;

• b) The continuous violation of Permanent Ceasefire including attacks on cantonment sites and training centers themselves;

• c) Refusal to appoint the Governor of Upper Nile;

• d) Violations of the terms of Transitional Constitution 2011 as amended; the President has decided to retain the powers awarded to him under the previus Constitution;

• e) The ongoing parallel training of forces by the elements within the SSPDF around the country; a big concern. Meaning this group is preparing for a war; a violation of the terms of Cessation of Hostilities Agreement;

• f) The encouragement of and breakdown of parties to the Agreement just to mention few;

• g) Reluctance by ITGNU to take part in the Permanent Constitution Making Process displays bad faith in this process;

• h) Refusal to submit names of nominees to the TNLA to NCAC for appointments by the President;

The Peace Agreement is at a crossroad, between “success and collapse”, the security arrangement is over stressed; the forces in the Cantonment and Training Centers are going without food, medicine and shelter etc. Any delay to graduate, unify and deploy these forces may lead to total breakdown of Transitional Security Arrangements, the Permanent Ceasefire and the Agreement altogether;

If RTGNU shall not implement the Agreement as timely as possible it shall forfeit its legitimacy; the forces in Cantonment and training centers that have been waiting to implement Security Arrangement will completely disperse and close those camps. And further delay to implement the Agreement will lead to loss of confidence in the Government of the day.

The writer is a senior member of the SPLM-IO and representative at the National Amendment Committee – a mechanism responsible for overseeing and incorporating the R-ARCSS into the permanent constitution.

The views expressed in this “Opinion Section” belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of The South Sudan Herald. Should you wish to submit your opinion piece or analysis, kindly contact us at:

1 2 3 10