(Thessherald)–China on Saturday announced to donate $100,000 to the World Health Organization (WHO) for the purchase of protective kits and medical equipment as part of COVID-19 response in South Sudan.
Hua Ning, Chinese ambassador to South Sudan, said in a statement issued in Juba that the prevention and control of imported infections have become a prominent challenge for South Sudan.
“We are hereby pleased to announce that the Chinese Embassy in South Sudan will donate 100,000 dollars to the WHO Country Office in Juba. The donation would be used to procure protective kits including medical equipment which are urgently needed for the country,” Hua said.
Hua said COVID-19 is a global pandemic and currently confirmed cases have been reported in more than 40 African countries.
The envoy said the embassy will work closely with South Sudan, WHO and international partners to contain the virus in a spirit of solidarity.
To support South Sudan’s preparedness on COVID-19 at this critical moment, some other medical supplies donated by the Chinese government and Chinese companies will be delivered to South Sudan soon, Hua said.
There is no confirmed case in South Sudan so far.
(Thessherald)–In recent years, the United States Department of Treasury has imposed targeted sanctions on some war-affected African countries, often in response to pleas by activist groups in the United States or Europe.
Advocates see these sanctions as the only way to deal with corrupt, autocratic, and violent regimes in which some government officials and their business associates allegedly take advantage of civil wars to amass wealth for themselves and promote those wars as means of profiteering. The activists, claiming that corrupt individuals have captured the state, argue for exacting better political behavior out of these leaders by targeting them with sanctions, including asset freezes, travel bans, and attacking their business networks.
In a recent African Arguments1 piece on U.S. sanctions against Sudan, John Prendergast of the Enough Project—a Washington-based activist group that led the drive for recent sanctions against South Sudan— asserted that sanctions have evolved significantly over the past two decades from the “sledgehammer” to the “scalpel.” His argument advanced the idea that sanctions can be precisely targeted at individuals and their business networks, as opposed to targeting an entire country. His conclusion was that the effort to fight public malfeasance has evolved from concentrating on economic isolation of the country in question to focusing on a more surgical approach that excises the cancer (corrupt individuals or networks) without killing the patient (an entire country and its populace).
This distinction is important. Targeted sanctions against South Sudanese political, military, and business leaders are a far cry from sanctions imposed elsewhere, (for example, by the United States against Sudan’s al-Bashir regime for sponsoring terrorism, by the United States and others against Iran for enriching uranium to nuclear-weapon grade, or by the UN Security Council against Saddam Hussein’s Iraq following its 1990 invasion of Kuwait).2 In theory, the idea of targeted sanctions is smart. However, the concept of “smart sanctions” has long been contested by mounting evidence that a very thin line separates the application and enforcement of targeted sanctions versus other forms of sanctions, with the impact on ordinary people being the same.3 A Global Policy Forum article entitled “Smart Sanctions on Iran are Dumb” condemned sanctions targeting Iran’s oil and gas industries for hurting the country’s populace at large. Because Iran’s “economy is dependent on its energy sector,” the authors argued that sanctioning this sector deprived the Iranian government of income needed for popular food and housing subsidies.
There are several fundamental problems with sanctions, targeted or not, especially as applied to countries at war, such as Sudan, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), or the Central African Republic:
First, information linking business networks to corrupt officials faces real credibility problems. Evidence is often acquired through leaks of unverifiable information from government offices, or via interviews with anti-government whistleblowers who might be more interested in implicating their government than in disclosing factual information. A report by The Sentry, an anti-corruption outfit created by Hollywood star George Clooney and associated with the Enough Project, was the basis for the campaigns to impose sanctions on South Sudan and the DRC.5 However, the report’s claims have not withstood further probing into the business networks it suggested were linked to the countries’ leaders. It did not take much to inject doubt into the impartiality of The Sentry’s claims: for example, some of the companies it listed as linked to corruption in South Sudan simply did not exist. A key ripple effect is that sanctions based on weak and unverified evidence are unlikely to persuade countries in the region to cooperate with their enforcement.
Second, in the case of South Sudan, the persistence of war, slow implementation of the peace processes, continuing fractures within the political class, ethnic rifts, and massive human suffering have frustrated attempts to achieve peace and left world leaders with few options to assist in ending the war. Long-standing frustrations with the peace process have helped drive the application of sanctions as a way to show something is being done, even as there is recognition that the measures will not work. Sanctions largely fail to address the fundamental political problems undergirding corruption. There is no evidence that even a modestly successful sanctions regime—one that suppresses money laundering, limits weapons purchases, restricts the sale of the target country’s natural resources, and starves it of foreign exchange—has ever forced a successful political transition.
Third, sanctions aimed at coercing senior military leaders and their suspected business associates fail to target political leaders who are the most influential in war-making decisions. In the case of South Sudan, The Sentry’s investigation has grossly over-estimated the assets of the targeted individuals, with the exception of two business moguls suspected of being fronts for top political leaders. While no one in South Sudan is sad about their being targeted, the intended impact is small due to their ability to evade the sanctions through a regional banking system that is subject to bribery, use of alternate names, and political favoritism that wealthy individuals can easily procure.
Finally, and perhaps most important, is that to date the sanctioning countries have skirted around the political-military leaders who hold real decision-making power in the targeted country. For example, it is hard to imagine that South Sudan’s rampant corruption is happening without the knowledge of the most senior government officials, from ministers to vice presidents all the way to the president—the very officials in whose hands lie decisions of war and peace. But to date targeted sanctions have not reached that high. The sparing of the real political and military machinery that makes decisions signals to those lower-rung officials who are targeted that they can go on enjoying the protection of the real power brokers who are spared. This is not to argue that the head of state be indicted on corruption charges, but rather to point out that sanctions cannot be an effective policy instrument.
The Case of South Sudan
Sanctions have created a heated debate in South Sudan about their real value, perhaps even further stoking the divides plaguing the country’s collective well-being. On the one hand, many activists see sanctions as an effective tool to force the ruling elite and their business cronies to stop ravaging the economy. They argue that the impact of sanctions on the general populace cannot be worse than the suffering inflicted by the warring parties, so better more pain now with a promise of eventual change than the current, slow pain with no end in sight. This position is particularly associated with the millions in refugee and Internally Displaced Persons’ (IDP) camps for whom, the argument goes, the situation could not get any worse, so if sanctions can weaken a government that does not care for them, all the better.
On the other hand, some South Sudanese citizens bitterly oppose sanctions, possibly because they support the government for a variety of reasons and believe the sanctions are aimed at toppling it. Others see sanctions as a foreign intrusion detrimental to the country’s general welfare by stifling business and discouraging foreign investment—thus by extension boosting an embattled regime’s public popularity. Still, others oppose sanctions based on their personal difficulties in receiving remittances from abroad. In their view, sanctions enforcement has been placed on the shoulders of banks, which—because they want to avoid the expense of distinguishing between targeted individuals and everyone else who is sending money to or from South Sudan—simply block South Sudanese banking transactions in general. As a result, a general populace already distressed by war-related economic collapse suffers the consequences. The lasting impression is that targeted sanctions are only targeted in name, while comprehensive in practice, such that few in the general populace remain untouched by the pain of sanctions.
If Sanctions do not Work, What Else Could Work?
The real question is not whether sanctions are sufficiently surgically targeted nor whether they are an effective tool in coercing corrupt officials profiting from war to change their ways. The real question is whether there are alternatives that are politically and morally affordable to the sanctioning countries.
Put differently, corruption does not happen in a vacuum, related to war profiteering or not. It happens in a climate where political leaders thrive on corruption, are unwilling to acknowledge its damaging effect, and will not listen when called out. So sanctioning corruption without a conception as to how to bring about a transition that overhauls the political system will simply allow the corrupt to forge ahead with their capture of the state. This further entrenches corruption to the point where it becomes not only the engine that keeps the political machinery running but also the national culture. Sanctions alone cannot root out such deep-seated malfeasance but are based on activist campaigns that have missed the point about the nature of corruption in countries suffering from malgovernance.
The obvious culprits are war, instability, and the weakness of state institutions. Sanctions will not stop the war; in fact, they can deepen the divides and harden the political positions that fueled the conflict in the first place. Building peace brick by brick is a function of state institutions being structured, empowered, and used by citizens to challenge the political-military class on the poor governance that stokes violence. Supporting state institutions instead of levying sanctions could have the twin benefit of building sustainable stability and forging goodwill among the citizens of the countries involved.
International players such as the United States and European Union, who draw upon campaigns by Western entities seen by some as non-neutral or bent on “regime change” in their decisions to impose sanctions, are avoiding more difficult options to address conflict.
These options include hands-on diplomacy, including providing support to judicial institutions in the targeted countries such that counter-corruption efforts enjoy local buy-in and a chance to shape the country’s political future. Therein lies the potential for the citizens of the targeted countries to become the champions of their political destiny such that within a generation, sanctions will be less tempting as tools for political change.
Western activist groups should share their findings with local activists in countries like South Sudan. Civil society could then use these findings to test the limits of their judicial system and the willingness of oversight institutions such as the Parliament, Audit Chamber, and Anti-Corruption Commission to live up to their mandates. Urgent change is needed to reduce atrocities, stop the war, and channel South Sudan’s resources toward the welfare of its citizens and away from financing the war. But sanctions will not accelerate this change and in fact, can deepen the factors that caused the crisis to begin with. It is best to come to terms with the reality that statecraft is a slow game, and any investment in it is likely to be more rewarding in the future than the temptation to seek shortcuts through punitive sanctions.
If sanctions are built on evidence collected by entities that are not impartial in a particular conflict, then they are based on false premises. At the heart of corruption is the failure of political leadership and oversight institutions to hold state officials accountable. Thus targeting the corrupt individuals is likely to fail if these officials continue to enjoy the patronage of the political system. History has not borne the effectiveness of sanctions that are blunt objects with no capacity to distinguish between targeted individuals and the general populace.
The question then becomes what policymakers can do, as their only options cannot be unworkable sanctions or no tools at all. If the United States sees unstable African countries as a security threat, sitting idle and doing nothing is not a viable option. If the sanctioning countries, together with activist groups that prompt them to adopt sanctions, find verifiable evidence linking public malfeasance to war profiteering, atrocities, regional insecurity, and human rights abuses in a country of interest, the best approach is to call that evidence to the attention of the government and civic activists and help them develop strategies for seeking redress in local courts.
It is important to support African counter-corruption champions by arming them with evidence of malfeasance that they may use to fight corruption, even if their country’s legal system is weak and dominated by the executive branch. Armed with credible documentary evidence, local activists could shame or sue unscrupulous public officials and build confidence in and independence of the country’s judiciary. This strengthened institutional capacity would empower the judiciary as a frontline agent against misconduct in public office. How otherwise does a country become truly sovereign if its citizens have to keep running to foreign countries and activists abroad to save them from the misbehavior of their own leaders? Corruption can only grow to acute levels when a country’s top leadership is either directly involved and/or protects corrupt patrons. And if indictment of a sitting head of state on corruption charges is hard to prove or presents a diplomatic challenge, why engage in a futile exercise of indicting his lieutenants when it is known he will either protect them or only give them up if politically expedient?
Dr. Jok Madut Jok is a Professor of Anthropology at Syracuse University and the former director of the Sudd Institute, a policy research center based in South Sudan, and a member organization of the Southern Voices Network for Peacebuilding.
Thessherald)–Amnesty International, a human rights organization, has called on the United Nations Human Rights Council to continue to press South Sudan to reform its intelligence agency and ensure justice for all victims who have been affected during the conflict in South Sudan.
“Amnesty International expressed concern that the South Sudanese government has consistently failed to investigate and prosecute suspects of crimes under international law committed during the 2013 conflict, owing to lack of political will and a lack of independence of its justice systems,” said Amnesty International in its statement.
Addressing the panel of experts at the United Nations Human Rights Council in the past few days, Amnesty International expressed concerns about the human rights situation in South Sudan and the lack of accountability for international crimes committed in connection with the conflict that broke out in December 2013.
Amnesty International’s recommendations for comprehensive security sector reforms.
• The South Sudanese authorities must urgently amend the 2014 NSS Act to curb the agency’s unchecked powers that contravene the 2011 Transitional Constitution and reform it in line with international human rights standards.
• President Salva Kiir must ensure that no individuals sanctioned by the UN Security Council for their role in human rights violations become part of the RTGoNU. Instead, suspects of grave crimes committed in relation to the 2013 conflict must be prosecuted.
• The South Sudanese authorities must promptly sign the Memorandum of Understanding with the African Union and enact the Statute for the Hybrid Court for South Sudan.
• The UN Human Rights Council must renew in full the mandate of the Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan during its current session.
(Thessherald)–The members of the Security Council recalled the costs of continued armed conflict in South Sudan and stressed the importance of full implementation of the Agreement.
The members of the Security Council welcomed encouraging developments in South Sudan’s peace process, including the beginning of the formation of a Revitalized Transitional Government of National Unity (R-TGNU), and recognized that this represents a significant step towards sustainable peace by the parties to the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (the Agreement).
The members of the Security Council also welcomed the spirit of compromise and political will demonstrated by the parties in order to create the conditions necessary to advance the peace process.
The members of the Security Council called on the signatories to the Agreement to finalize establishment of the R-TGNU and all transitional institutions, including the Hybrid Court for South Sudan, in accordance with the procedures outlined in the Agreement, which is necessary to build trust between parties and consolidate steps taken towards lasting peace.
The members of the Security Council commended the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) for its leadership in advancing the peace process for South Sudan, the mobilization of the African Union, and all other international stakeholders for their important contributions. The members of the Security Council underscored the need for continued and active engagement on South Sudan by the region and the international community to ensure that peace, stability and prosperity are restored in the country.
The members of the Security Council recalled the costs of continued armed conflict in South Sudan and stressed the importance of full implementation of the Agreement. The members of the Security Council urged all parties to ensure the full and meaningful participation of women, youth, faith groups, and civil society in implementation of the Agreement.
The members of the Security Council expressed concern at the dire humanitarian situation in South Sudan and reiterated the need for the parties on the ground to facilitate, in a manner consistent with relevant provisions of international law, the delivery of humanitarian assistance.
The members of the Security Council underscored the pressing need for accountability for continuing human rights abuses, including sexual and gender-based violence, and violations of international humanitarian law in South Sudan. They welcomed the Comprehensive Action Plan to End and Prevent All Grave Violations Against Children signed by the Government on 7 February 2020 and called for its swift implementation.
The members of the Security Council recalled the obligations for the Government of South Sudan set forth under the Status-of-Forces Agreement with UNMISS and called upon the Government to allow UNMISS freedom of movement to implement its mandate to protect civilians, monitor and investigate human rights, support the delivery of humanitarian assistance, and support implementation of the Agreement.
The members of the Security Council stressed that actions which threaten the peace, security, or stability of South Sudan may be subject to sanctions under resolutions 2206 (2015), 2290 (2016), 2353 (2017), 2428 (2018) and 2471 (2019).
The members of the Security Council reiterated their support for the people of South Sudan and reaffirmed their strong commitment to the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity, and national unity of the Republic of South Sudan.
(Thessherald)–The Chinese embassy in South Sudan and the country’s ministry of health have joined ranks to strengthen preventative measures against the novel coronavirus or the COVID-19.
Hua Ning, the Chinese ambassador in Juba said though there is currently no confirmed case of the COVID-19 in South Sudan, the embassy is working with the South Sudanese government and the World Health Organization (WHO) to boost screening and quarantine measures. “The Chinese embassy has established a working mechanism with the South Sudanese government and the WHO and maintained hotline contact,” the Chinese envoy told reporters in Juba on Friday.
The government has also developed a guideline which requires people who recently visited China and other countries affected by the virus to be isolated from the public for 14 days.
“We have issued notices several times to remind Chinese citizens in South Sudan and ask them to cooperate with the relevant authorities of South Sudan in screening, quarantine and other entry inspection and quarantine measures,” Hua said.
The Chinese envoy also hailed the South Sudanese government and people for standing with China during the battle against the epidemic.
“There are also many people from all walks of life in South Sudan expressing their support for China’s fight against the epidemic in various ways and are full of confidence in China’s capability to win a final victory over the epidemic,” Hua said.
“I want to thank the government and people of South Sudan for their firm support during the difficult times in China.”
Hua revealed that China’s epidemic prevention and control measures have produced positive results and over the past two weeks, daily reported confirmed cases have fallen by 80 percent.
The Chinese envoy also assured the people of South Sudan that the 27 South Sudanese students in Hubei, 24 of whom in Wuhan city are all healthy and safe.
“The Chinese government and relevant local authorities have taken careful measures to protect the life and safety of international students,” Hua stressed.
“The first is to establish an epidemic prevention working group for foreign students, strengthen management, and establish a daily reporting system to prevent the epidemic from spreading to international student groups. The second is to protect the daily lives of international students,” he added.
Press statement of the African Union Peace and Security council
(Thessherald)– In line with its mandate t promote and enhance peace and security in th Continent, the African Union (AU) Peace and Securit Council (PSC) undertook a field mission to the Republi of South Sudan from 18 to 20 February 2020.
Th Mission took place within the framework of th implementation of various decisions of the Council o the situation in South Sudan.
In particular, the Counci aimed at evaluating the status of implementation of th Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict i the Republic of South Sudan (R-ARCSS) signed on 1 September 2018, given that the Revitalized Transitiona Government of National Unity (R-TGONU) is to b formed on 22 February 2020. Furthermore, the Missio aimed at expressing AU’s solidarity with the People an Government of South Sudan during this critical perio in the history of the country. In this light, it is wort noting that this is the fourth field mission of the AUPS to the Republic of South Sudan since October 2016.
The PSC delegation was led by His Excellenc Ambassador Mohamed Idriss Farah, Permanen Representative of the Republic of Djibouti to the Africa Union, in his capacity as the Chairperson of the PSC fo the month of February 2020.
The PSC delegatio comprised representatives of the fifteen Member States namely: Ambassadors of Algeria, Salah Franci Alhamdi; Angola, Francisco Da Cruz; Burundi, Joe Nkurabagaya; Equatorial Guinea, Cristantos Obam Ondo; Lesotho, Mafa Sejanamane; Morocco, Mohame Arrouchi; Nigeria, Bankole Adeoye; and Togo, Sebad Toba; as well as Representatives from Gabon, Kenya Liberia, Rwanda, Sierra Leone and Zimbabwe.
During its mission, the Delegation paid a courtesy cal on the 1 Vice President of South Sudan, H.E. Taba Deng Gai and held consultation with Dr. Riek Macha Teny, Chairman of the SPLM-IO, who is also the Firs Vice President-Designate.
It also received briefings fro the National Pre-Transitional Committee, Members of the Steering Committee of the National Dialogue, the African Diplomatic Corps, the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS), the Reconstituted Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission (R-JMEC), as well as the Ceasefire and Transitional Security Arrangement Monitoring and Verification Mechanism (CTSAMVM) Furthermore, the delegation met with international partners, the African Development Bank, an representatives of the Civil Society Organizations an faith based groups in Juba.
In all its engagements, the Delegation pledged the African Union’s unwavering solidarity with the people o South Sudan and support towards the full implementation of the R-ARCSS, especially the formation of an inclusive Revitalized Transitional Government of National Unity (R-TGoNU) on 2 February 2020.
The Delegation underscored that, a inclusive R-TGONU is a pre-requisite for lasting unity peace, stability and development in South Sudan.
The PSC delegation commended President Salva Kii Mayardit and his Government for the courageous and progressive decision to revert the country back to the original ten (10) States, and further noted that such political compromise has restored the confidence of all stakeholders to the peace process.
The PSC calls welcomed the reassurance by Dr. Riek Machar Teny t work with the Government, noting that the issue o States has been resolved, and that he agreed t address other outstanding issues during the Transitional Period, including the security arrangements. The Delegation applauded the timel decision by IGAD to address the travel restriction imposed on Dr. Machar. The PSC delegation commended the positive reaction by the Civil Society Organizations towards these positive changes an looked forward to the full participation of all South Sudanese in the development of their country. The Council also welcomed recommendations made b various stakeholders, especially for the AU Member States to provide technical assistance to the R-TGoNU.
In light of the foregoing, the Delegation expressed the necessity for the international community to sustain it valuable support to all aspects of the peace process i order to prevent a relapse to conflict, and possible devastating consequences on innocent civilians.
In this connection, the Delegation expressed its concern over the slow implementation of the security arrangements in particular, the delayed training of the Necessary Unified Forces, inadequate availability of uniforms an medical supplies. Given the monumental challenges t face the impending R-TGoNU, the Delegation pledged t advocate for sustainable continental and international support towards overcoming these challenges.
The PSC Delegation reiterated the AU’s appreciation towards IGAD, the neighboring countries of Sout Sudan, UNMISS, R-JMEC and international partners, for their relentless efforts towards assisting the parties efforts to restore peace, security, stability an development in South Sudan. The Delegation noted that the formation of the R-TGoNU is only the start of a lon nation-building process, and thus called on the parties to remain resolute, guided by the principles o compromise and restraint.
The Delegation expressed its full appreciation for the support extended by the Government of the Republic o South Sudan, UNMISS and other stakeholders i facilitating its field mission. It also acknowledged the facilitation of the Special Representative of the Chairperson of the AU Commission and Head of the A Mission in South Sudan, Ambassador Professor Jora Mukama Biswaro, and the staff of the AU Mission i South Sudan for their valuable support.
(Thessherald)-The United States has sent a congratulatory message and commended the South Sudanese parties for reaching an agreement on the issue of the number and boundaries of states, an outstanding task that has hindered the formation of the unity government.
“Congratulations to all parties concerned for finding the common ground necessary to announce the formation of a Transitional Government.”
The US stressed that although there are pending issues ahead, the recent compromise on the states’ issue is important and that it will open the doors to peace, reconciliation and unity.
“While much work remains to be done, this is an important milestone in the path to peace and development for the people of South Sudan.”
South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir Mayardit issued a presidential decree Friday evening appointing exiled opposition leader Riek Machar, a major step towards ending the conflict in the country.
South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir issued a presidential decree Friday evening appointing exiled opposition leader Riek Machar, a major step towards ending the conflict in the country.
Dr. Riek Machar Teny, Chairman of the SPLM-IO (Photo Credit: File)
(Thessherald)-South Sudan’s opposition leader and FVP Dr. Riek Machar has issued a press release, dissolving all 21 governors under the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-IO in accordance with the recent return of the country to its previous ten states.
“As we agreed with the President, South Sudan has reverted to States, the 21 governors are hereby dissolved with immediate effect from 22 February 2020.”
Machar dissolved the states’ governors ahead of the formation of the unity government, which is expected to be announced tomorrow in the capital, Juba.
The opposition directed all governors and county commissioners to act as caretakers until the new governors are appointed.
The governors and commissioners shall remain as caretakers until the new Governors of the 10 states are appointed by the President,” said the Chairman of the SPLM-IO, Dr. Riek Machar.
The SPLM-IO declared that the defunct 21 states shall now be referred to as Areas.
“The former states shall be referred to as Areas.”
The leadership of the SPLM-IO said that the states’ governors shall be responsible for maintaining security in their respective Areas.
“All caretakers must ensure that security is maintained in all the Areas.”
Once the new governors are appointed, the opposition faction pointed out that, the new governors and commissioners of the ten states and counties shall assume titles of Chairpersons.
SPLM/A-IO – IO National Committee for Information & Public Relations
Opposition leader Dr. Riek Machar Teny meets top opposition members in Juba
February 10th, 2020 (Thessherald)—On the Tripartite Consultations on the Pending Critical Issues of the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (R-ARCSS) – 9 February 2020, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
As per the resolution of the Communique of the 34th Extraordinary Summit of IGAD Head of State and Government was held on 8 February 2020 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, H.E. Dr. Abdala Hamdok, Prime Minister of the Republic of Sudan and chairperson of the Intergovernmental Authority on Devolvement (IGAD), H.E. Youwri Kaguta Museveni, President of the Republic of Uganda, H.E. Salva Kiir Mayardit, President of the Republic of South Sudan with the participation of H.E. Dr. Riek Machar Teny-Dhurgon, Chairman and Commander-in-Chief of the SPLM/SPLA (IO) and Designate First Vice President of the Republic of South Sudan; and in the presence of H.E. Dr. Workneh Gebeyehu, IGAD Executive Secretary, held a tripartite consultations to discuss the pending critical tasks in the extended One Hundred (100) days of the pre-transitional period of the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (R-ARCSS) and to draw the way forward, on 9 February 2020 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
The meeting deliberated on the challenges associated with the determination of the number of states and their boundaries, and the implementation of the security arrangements.
1. The meeting agreed to revert to the former ten (10) States;
2. President Salva Kiir request to be given 3 days to return back to South Sudan for consultations on the matter with his group based on his request and to report back on the matter to the IGAD chair on the 15th February 2020;
3. The upcoming tripartite consultations shall be held on the 15th February 2020 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, and;
4. The issue of the security arrangements and the deployment of the UNMISS troops in the major towns, civilian centers, and the lifeline routes was discussed but decision was deferred to the next forthcoming tripartite meeting.
In conclusion, the SPLM/SPLA (IO) reiterates its full commitment to the implementation of R-ARCSS in letter and spirit, as the sole way to attain peace in South Sudan.
Cde. Puok Both Baluang SPLM (IO) Director of Information and Public Relation